“Slavery, Genocide and Nuclear War” – Paul Harvey’s ultra-right rant, courtesy of Disney [FAIR / Sweet & Sour Socialism Essential Archives]

Posted in 9/11, Afghanistan, Chattel Slavery, Corporate Media Critique, Genocide, Hiroshima, Iraq, Japan, Nagasaki, Nukes, U.K., US "War on Terror", US imperialism, USA, World War II on May 21, 2013 by Zuo Shou / 左手

By Jim Naureckas

August 1, 2005

Disney/ABC radio personality Paul Harvey, one of the most widely heard commentators in the United States, presented his listeners on June 23 with an endorsement of genocide and racism that would have been right at home on a white supremacist shortwave broadcast.

Harvey’s commentary began by citing a speech by British Prime Minister Winston Churchill (12/30/41):

After the attack on Pearl Harbor, Winston Churchill said that the American people…he said, the American people, he said, and this is a direct quote, “We didn’t come this far because we are made of sugar candy.”

Actually, it’s not a direct quote; Churchill’s actual words, from a speech he gave to the Canadian parliament, were, ” We have not journeyed all this way across the centuries, across the oceans, across the mountains, across the prairies, because we are made of sugar candy.”

As one might expect, when Churchill said “we” he was not referring to the citizens of the United States, but to “the peoples of the British Empire.” And he followed the “sugar candy” line with a vow that “we shall never descend to the German and Japanese level.” But Harvey, repeating Churchill’s phrase throughout his commentary, turned it into a call for utter ruthlessness.

“And that reminder was taken seriously,” Harvey continued. “And we proceeded to develop and deliver the bomb, even though roughly 150,000 men, women and children perished in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. With a single blow, World War II was over.”

That’s a dubious summary of the war against Japan, which was won by three and a half years of bloody fighting, not by two atomic bombs. At the time the bombs were dropped, U.S. officials knew that Japan was on the verge of surrendering, which is why Dwight Eisenhower in his memoirs called the bombings “completely unnecessary” (Mandate for Change, p. 312; Extra! Update, 4/95).

But Harvey presented the incineration of Hiroshima and Nagasaki as a very literal guide to how the U.S. should have behaved in its current wars:

Following New York, Sept. 11, Winston Churchill was not here to remind us that we didn’t come this far because we’re made of sugar candy. So, following the New York disaster, we mustered our humanity…and we sent men with rifles into Afghanistan and Iraq, and we kept our best weapons in our silos.

Given that the U.S. did indeed use its most powerful conventional weapons in Afghanistan and Iraq, this can only be taken as a complaint that the U.S. failed to target these countries with nuclear weapons. This remarkable viewpoint was followed, appropriately enough, by a plea for the U.S. to ignore considerations of morality and civilization:

Even now we’re standing there dying, daring to do nothing decisive, because we’ve declared ourselves to be better than our terrorist enemies – -more moral, more civilized. Our image is at stake, we insist.

But we didn’t come this far because we’re made of sugar candy.

Harvey concluded with a startling depiction of U.S. history as a series of necessary, even praiseworthy atrocities:

Once upon a time, we elbowed our way onto and across this continent by giving smallpox-infected blankets to Native Americans. That was biological warfare. And we used every other weapon we could get our hands on to grab this land from whomever. And we grew prosperous. And yes, we greased the skids with the sweat of slaves.

So it goes with most great nation-states, which — feeling guilty about their savage pasts — eventually civilize themselves out of business and wind up invaded and ultimately dominated by the lean, hungry up-and-coming who are not made of sugar candy.

Feeling guilty about slavery and genocide, in Harvey’s worldview, will lead to the elimination of American civilization — apparently because the U.S. hasn’t turned quickly enough to nuclear and biological warfare.

The Disney media conglomerate, which cultivates a family-friendly image, syndicates Harvey to more than 1,000 radio stations, where he reaches an estimated 18 million listeners. Disney recently signed a 10-year, $100 million contract with the 86-year-old host.

In 2004, Disney blocked its Miramax subsidiary from distributing Michael Moore’s film Fahrenheit 9/11, even though Miramax was the principal investor in the film. A Disney executive told the New York Times (5/5/04) that it was declining to distribute the film because, in the paper’s words, “Disney caters to families of all political stripes and believes Mr. Moore’s film…could alienate many.”

One wonders whether Disney executives are worried about alienating families who oppose slavery, genocide or nuclear war.

Article link: http://fair.org/extra-online-articles/Slavery,-Genocide-and-Nuclear-War/

China Focus: Private collector cherishes memory of Mao’s “educated youth” [Xinhua]

Posted in Beijing, China, Heilongjiang Province, Jilin Province, Liaoning Province, Mao Zedong, Shanghai on May 20, 2013 by Zuo Shou / 左手

by Xinhua writers Cheng Lu, Zhou Yan and Jiang Chenrong

YAN’AN, May 14 (Xinhua) — Satchels and mugs with Chairman Mao’s portrait. Kerosene lanterns. Books, newspapers and magazines that are at least 40 years old.

The humble two-story building where Gao Mingliang houses his private collection of antiques was turned into an exhibition hall last month.

The free exhibition shows the history of Mao Zedong’s “educated youth,” or the estimated 12 to 18 million young urbanites who were sent off to the countryside during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976).

Most of the “educated youth” had received only a secondary school education. Some were still in middle school when they were swept up in the campaign.

They were, at Mao’s call for young urbanites to “go down to the countryside,” dispatched to inhospitable areas of rural provinces with ambitions to make the infertile land bloom.

UNFORGETTABLE PAST

But Gao Mingliang, 62, was not a member of the students-turned-farmers.

“I just worked with them on the farm and later in my office at the local cultural bureau,” Gao said at the museum in downtown Yan’an, a city in northwest China’s Shaanxi Province that served as Mao’s revolutionary base for 13 years before the People’s Republic of China was founded in 1949.

A native of Yan’an, Gao said he felt sorry for the urban children from Beijing and Shanghai who fumbled with farm tools and struggled to adapt themselves to the tough climate, different diet and hard physical work.

“I witnessed the bitterness they suffered, as well as their courage and fortitude,” said Gao. “That part of history should not be forgotten.”

In 1979, when most of the sent-down youth had returned to their home cities, Gao began collecting the things they had left behind: photos, newspapers and magazines that covered the lives of the students-turned-farmers, as well as deserted stationery, farm tools and personal belongings.

After he retired from his job as a coordinator at Ganquan County’s cultural bureau last year, he began sorting out his collection for an exhibition.

When he traveled to other provinces, he would visit local curio markets to hunt for antiques related to the Cultural Revolution and the “educated youth.”

He also rummaged for old newspapers and documents in dustbins and carefully picked out pieces of information that he found valuable.

He visited more than 200 former “educated youth,” taking down their first-hand accounts of the old days and collecting whatever old objects they could provide.

When his exhibition was unveiled on April 13, he had put together more than 2,000 items to exhibit in the 200-square-meter hall.

The exhibition has received more than 2,000 visitors over the past month, including former “educated youth” from Beijing, Shanghai and other cities within Shaanxi Province.

Gao remembered one of the visitors sitting on a “kang,” the equivalent of a bed built of bricks and heated by fire, and crying. “He recounted the pain he suffered as a teenager, having to carry rocks, feed pigs and toil endlessly in the scorching sun.”

But at the end of his tearful visit, the man wiped his eyes and announced that he “couldn’t have been as strong and perseverant later in his life without that experience,” according to Gao.

While the majority of students-turned farmers returned to the city to attend college or secure a job, some of them chose to stay in the countryside permanently.

Fu Heping was one of those who stayed.

Fu was 17 when she was dispatched to a village on the outskirts of Yan’an in 1969. “There was never enough food, but we worked long hours in the fields every day,” she said.

After a few years, she had gotten married and found that her affection for Yan’an had surpassed that for her home city of Beijing.

When her former schoolmates returned to Beijing in the mid-1970s, she was determined to stay. Under her parents’ pressure, she sent her two children, a son and a daughter, to stay with them in Beijing.

“Everytime I go back to Beijing on holiday, they keep pressing me to stay. But there’s always something in Yan’an from which I cannot detach myself. I know this is where my life belongs,” she said.

At 61, Fu is still working on the land where she toiled as a teenager. The formerly infertile land owned by the “people’s commune” is now a commercial farm that grows fruit, vegetables and grain.

LEGACY

The “educated youth,” who are typically over the age of 60 and lack any academic qualifications, are generally seen as a generation of “lost children” with a bleak future.

For four decades, their stories have been told in novels, TV shows and popular movies.

“I think there’s a reason for these stories to remain popular,” said Jin Yaqin, 63. “As a teenager, I left the comfort of city life and experienced poverty, hunger and fatigue for the first time.”

Today, however, Jin said her most vivid memories of those years are the friendships she created with her teammates and local villagers. “This is the most valuable legacy for me.”

Gao carefully preserves what he sees as a legacy of the 1960s for the “lost generation” and spends all of his pension income, about 36,000 yuan (5,862 U.S. dollars) a year, to run the exhibition.

Since the exhibition is free, Gao found that he had run into a deficit by the end of its first month.

“Rent takes up more than 20,000 yuan a year, and the rest of my income can barely cover the water and electricity costs,” said Gao. “But I think it will work out fine, as the operating costs are not very high anyway.”

Exhibitions and museums carrying similar themes exist in many other parts of China, including Shanghai and the northeastern provinces of Heilongjiang, Jilin and Liaoning.

“The popularity of the ‘educated youth’ period does not just reflect nostalgia, it also implies a longing for faith, idealism and altruism, which are largely absent in today’s society,” said Zhang Yan, a researcher with the Shaanxi Provincial Academy of Social Sciences.

“The past era of poverty and hardship endowed the older generation with fortitude and forbearance and they stood firm against calamities,” she said. “Despite today’s material abundance, many people feel unhappy, perplexed and empty inside — that’s why they look back to take comfort in this spiritual legacy.”

Article link: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2013-05/14/c_132382093.htm

“Iraq Then, Syria Now?” – New York Times, sarin and skepticism [FAIR Action Alert]

Posted in Black propaganda, Capitalist media double standard, Corporate Media Critique, France, Media smear campaign, Psychological warfare, State Department, Syria, U.K., US imperialism, USA on May 20, 2013 by Zuo Shou / 左手

May 15, 2013

During the run-up to the Iraq War, the New York Times amplified erroneous official claims about weapons of mass destruction (FAIR Action Alert, 9/8/06). Looking at the paper’s coverage of allegations of chemical weapons use by Syria, some of the same patterns are clear: an over-reliance on official sources and the downplaying of critical or skeptical analysis of the available intelligence.

In “Syria Faces New Claim on Chemical Arms” (4/19/13), the paper told readers that, according to anonymous diplomats, Britain and France had sent letters to the United Nations about “credible evidence” against Syria regarding chemical weapon use. On April 24, the Times reported that Israel had “evidence that the Syrian government repeatedly used chemical weapons last month.”

The next day (4/25/13), the Times reported that, according to an unnamed “senior official,” the White House “shares the suspicions of several of its allies that the Syrian government has used chemical weapons.” The article spoke of the “mounting pressure to act against Syria,” adding, “Some analysts say they worry that if the United States waits too long, it will embolden President Bashar al-Assad.”

And then on April 26, under the headline “White House Says Syria Has Used Chemical Arms,” the Times reported:

The White House, in a letter to Congressional leaders, said the nation’s intelligence agencies assessed ”with varying degrees of confidence” that the government of President Bashar al-Assad had used the chemical agent sarin on a small scale.

The story included a source, Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D.-Calif.), who presented the intelligence as more definitive: She “said the agencies actually expressed more certainty about the use of these weapons than the White House indicated in its letter.”

An April 27 Times report warned that there were dangers in waiting too long to respond to the charges that Syria has used chemical weapons:

If the president waits for courtroom levels of proof, what has been a few dozen deaths from chemical weapons–in a war that has claimed more than 70,000 lives–could multiply.

In following days, the accusations of chemical weapons use were presented uncritically as the premise for political stories: pondering how the White House would “respond to growing evidence that Syrian officials have used chemical weapons” (4/28/13) or noting Republican attacks on the White House following “revelations last week that the Syrian president, Bashar al-Assad, is believed to have used chemical weapons against his own people” (4/29/13).

On May 5, the Times was again weighing in on the political ramifications:

Confronted with evidence that chemical weapons have been used in Syria, President Obama now finds himself in a geopolitical box, his credibility at stake with frustratingly few good options.

Then, on May 5 came an unusual shift: Carla Del Ponte, a member of a United Nations team investigating human rights abuses in the Syrian civil war, claimed that the UN had collected evidence that chemical weapons had been used in Syria–but by the rebels, not by the government.

After running a Reuters dispatch on May 6, the Times published its own piece on May 7, a report that talked about “new questions about the use of chemical weapons.” But the emphasis was clearly on rebutting the charges: The paper reported that the White House had “cast doubt on an assertion by a United Nations official that the Syrian rebels…had used the nerve agent sarin.” The piece included three U.S. sources–one named, two unnamed–who questioned the Del Ponte claims.

The article went on to reiterate that the White House was weighing other options based on “its conclusion that there was a strong likelihood that the Assad government has used chemical weapons on its citizens.”

Outside the New York Times, though, doubts about the evidence pointing to Syrian use of poison gas were evident from the very start. McClatchy’s Jonathan Landay (4/26/13) reported that one source characterized the U.S. intelligence as “tiny little data points” that were of “low to moderate” confidence.

An April 30 report from GlobalPost noted that a “spent canister” at the scene of one attack “and the symptoms displayed by the victims are inconsistent with a chemical weapon such as sarin gas.” A subsequent GlobalPost dispatch (5/5/13) reported that blood samples tested in Turkey were not turning up evidence of sarin exposure.

NBC reporter Richard Engel (5/8/13) traveled to Syria with rebel forces to examine evidence they had collected. He seemed to concur with the GlobalPost reports that the chemical exposure could very well have been from a type of tear gas.

By May 7, McClatchy was reporting that the case was looking weaker, noting that

no concrete proof has emerged, and some headline-grabbing claims have been discredited or contested. Officials worldwide now admit that no allegations rise to the level of certainty…..Existing evidence casts more doubt on claims of chemical weapons use than it does to help build a case that one or both sides of the conflict have employed them.

It is clear that the Times has promoted a storyline that treats the chemical weapons claims as more definitive than they are, and has given scant attention to subsequent revelations about the evidence.

In a recent column (5/5/13), Times public editor Margaret Sullivan argued that the paper still faces problems with its credibility based on its reporting about Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction over 10 years ago. The Times “pledged more skeptical and rigorous reporting” going forward, and Sullivan argues that the Times “has taken important steps” in that direction.

But does the paper’s handling of the Syria chemical weapons stories demonstrate that the paper has learned lessons? Or is it repeating the same mistakes?

ACTION:
Ask the New York Times public editor to evaluate the paper’s reporting on Syria and chemical weapons.

CONTACT:
New York Times
Margaret Sullivan, Public Editor
public (at) nytimes.com

Article link: http://fair.org/take-action/action-alerts/iraq-then-syria-now/

“Ryukyu issue offers leverage to China” – Issue of Okinawan island chain’s independence from Japan raised [People's Daily]

Posted in China, Japan, Okinawa, US imperialism, USA, World War II on May 20, 2013 by Zuo Shou / 左手

May 11, 2013

A bylined article published Wednesday in the People’s Daily called for the revisiting of the unsolved historical issue of the Ryukyu Islands, the largest of which is Okinawa.

The article stirred strong protest from Japan, with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe saying Tokyo “must voice its position to the world” by rejecting China’s “inappropriate claim.” The US Department of State expressed support for Japan’s sovereignty over Okinawa.

Japan’s overreaction toward the suggestion made by two Chinese scholars in State media mirrors its lack of confidence. In 1971, the US unilaterally handed over control of the Ryukyu Islands to Tokyo. There has always been a legal basis to challenge this illegal act.

The Ryukyu Islands, different from the Diaoyu Islands, were not historically part of Chinese territory. They were an independent kingdom that paid tribute to China. It’s not that China wants to “recover” the Ryukyu Islands, but it is able to negate the islets’ current status.

If Japan ultimately chooses antagonism with China, Beijing should consider changing its current stance and revisit the Ryukyu issue as an unsolved historical problem.

The Ryukyu issue can be reinitiated through three steps. The first is to open up public discussion and studies of the Ryukyu issue, including allowing the founding of related research organizations. Authorities should not directly participate in these activities, but should not oppose them either.

The second, based on Japan’s attitude toward China, is for Beijing to decide when to bring up the Ryukyu issue in the international arena. This can be played as a powerful card when necessary.

Finally, if Japan seeks to be a pioneer in sabotaging China’s rise, China can carry out practical input, fostering forces in Okinawa that seek the restoration of the independence of the Ryukyu Chain. If Japan, binding itself with the US, tries to threaten China’s future, China should impose threats on the country’s integrity. This is a fair game.

Japan is the most active provoker in China’s international strategic environment. Friendly relations with Japan can barely be realized through China’s repeated tolerance. Japan must be forced to give up its role as a political pirate and stop its endless disturbance and confrontation.

China and Japan will engage in a long-term rivalry in the 21st century. However, time is on the side of China, which has been seeking peace in regional dynamics amid its rise.

China doesn’t need to worry that bringing up the Ryukyu issue will provide an excuse for external forces to foment separatism in China. As long as significant economic and social setbacks do not take place in the country, the threat of separatism is set to diminish.

Article link: http://english.people.com.cn/90883/8240741.html

Also see related article: “US plays disgraceful role in China-Japan ties: Qian Lihua” by Wang Wei [China.org.cn] – http://english.people.com.cn/90883/8159275.html

White Supremacy: Exploring the Contours of Race and Power in America [Globalresearch.ca]

Posted in Genocide, George W. Bush, India, Iran, Israel, Mexico, Obama, US imperialism, USA on May 19, 2013 by Zuo Shou / 左手

by Anthony Mustacich

May 11, 2013

It is widely believed that white supremacy is a racist ideology of hatred promoted by marginal extremist organizations like the Ku Klux Klan or the Aryan Nations. Often overlooked and neglected in this view are the structural inequalities that ensure the continued supremacy of whites over non-whites in all facets of social life. Also conveniently disregarded are the more subtle, yet frequent and numerous, manifestations of white supremacy that are woven into the fabric of Amerikan culture. In this sense, white supremacy is just as much of a social reality as it is an ideology. Indeed the two often go hand in hand, although this isn’t always the case.

There are many white people who hold supreme positions in the social hierarchy, over and above the masses of non-white people, without consciously adhering to any white supremacist ideology. This essay will explore the complex reality of white supremacy in America, examining its existence in the social structure, analyzing its cultural expressions, considering some of its ideological forms, and finally investigating its causes.

There can be little doubt that while supremacy is built into the very social structure of America when one considers the fact that the politico-economic structure of the U.S. was designed bywhite people to serve the interests of white people. For example, the Constitutional Congress that created the American government consisted of 55 members and all of them were white, while 15 of them were African slave owners (Beard, pp.74-151).

There were absolutely zero Blacks, Latinos or Native Americans involved in forming the government of the U.S. To this day only one non-white has ever attained the presidency of the U.S. government, while Blacks make up only 7% of the U.S. Congress, with Latinos making up only 4% (Henschen and Sidlow, p. 110). Although subordinate races have now been assimilated into Amerikan society, the social structure still functions in such a way that maintains the supremacy of whites, excepting certain token reforms such as Affirmative Action. A simple look at the empirical data confirms this.

Aside from the political structure, virtually even,’ social indicator unequivocally confirms that whites are levels above non-whites in the most essential domains of social life.1The supremacy of whites on the economic terrain is indisputable and highly instructive. According to the U.S. Census Bureau, for example, in 2005 the median family income for whites was $62,300, compared to just $36,075,$38,558 and $37,387 for Blacks, Natives and Latinos respectively (U.S. Census Bureau [USCBJ. 2009. p. 38).

The CQ Researcher reported that in 2002 the median weekly income for white workers was $624, while Black workers earned $498 and Latinos a mere $423 (CQ Researcher [CQR], 2003, p. 601). In 2005, the poverty rate for white families was only 6.3%, while a staggering 23.4% of Black families, 21.1% of Native homes, and 21.4% of Latino households lived below the poverty line (LTSCB. pp. 38-39). And finally, the real unemployment rate for whites was 9.5%, compared to 37% of Blacks and 31% of Latinos (USCB, 374). All of these statistics illustrate the fact that whites in Amerika collectively enjoy economic privileges over and above their Black. Native and Latino counterparts.

There arc also glaring discrepancies in the domains of education and healthcare.

In 2005 86.1% of whites graduated high school, compared to 80.7% of Blacks and only 59.3% of Latinos. In the realm of higher education 28.4% of whites had college degrees, compared to just 18.5% of Blacks and 12.4% of Latinos (USCB. 145). A good generalmeasure of a people’s quality of healthcare is found in the infant mortality rate. In 2004, the infant mortality rate for whites was 5.7 per 100,000, compared to 13.8 for Blacks (ibid., p. 81).

Equally revealing is the fact that in 2005 only 14% of whites were without health insurance, while 20% of Blacks and a whopping 32% of Latinos were uninsured (ibid., p. 107). Although numbers can’t convey the human dimensions of emotion and suffering involved in these differences, they do make clear the objective disparities that exist between whites and non-whites in these crucial realms of social life. These disparities indicate that white supremacy is not merely a matter of personal prejudice, but rather a social reality rooted in the basic structure of Amerikan society.

White supremacy is not only built into the social structure of America, it is also deeply embedded in Amerikan culture. Many day-to-day instances of white supremacy are so commonplace they go practically unnoticed by most people. These are virtually impossible to quantify since they only play out on a subjective level, although many of them do have very tangible consequences. In his 2006 book Come Hell or High Water: Hurricane Katrina and the Color of Disaster, author Michael Eric Dyson points out that “although one may not have racial intent, one’s actions may nonetheless have racial consequence” (p. 20). Using Hurricane Katrina as an example, he shows how government negligence, although not the result of “active malice,” was ultimately caused by a “passive indifference” to the plight of poor Blacks in New Orleans. In other words, the Bush administration’s response, or lack thereof, to Hurricane Katrina was probably not motivated by a desire to see impoverished Blacks destroyed, but it didn’t really care enough to save them from ruin either. No matter the case, poor Blacks ended up suffering more than whites. Indeed, as Dyson goes on to explain:

“…active malice and passive indifference are but flip sides of the same racial coin… if one conceives of racism as a cell phone, then active malice is the ring tone at its highest volume, while passive indifference is the ring tone on vibrate. In either case, whether loudly or silently, the consequence is the same: a call is transmitted, a racial meaning is communicated.” (Dyson, pp. 20-21)

Today most expressions of white supremacy take this form of passive indifference, allowing many whites to sit back in relative comfort and privilege while non-whites suffer the effects of while supremacy.

As was pointed out earlier, one need not adhere to white supremacist ideology to benefit from its effects. It has been empirically demonstrated that whites collectively enjoy a relative privilege over and above non-whites in the most important areas of social life- in the political structure, the economic structure, the educational structure, and even in the healthcare system. This is true whether or not individual whites are racist. The social reality of white supremacy is a fact beyond dispute, albeit still disputed. The ideology of white supremacy seeks to rationalize this social arrangement by attributing to white people an inherent superiority that makes their supremacy seem natural. Whereas most whites seek to ignore or deny their privilege, the white supremacist ideologue takes pride in it and seeks to justify, protect and expand it.Historically white supremacist ideology has taken on two main forms. The first is in the form of Christianity, from its very inception, America has always been a devoutly religious country, although today there is a noticeable trend towards secularism in urban cities and industrial areas. In his 2006 book American Theocracy: The Peril and Politics of Radical Religion, Oil, and Borrowed Money in the 21st Century, author Kevin Phillips notes that Amcrica is one of the most religious nations in the world, ranking alongside Israel, India and Iran (pp. 100-101). According to recent polls, 98% of Amerikans believe in the Christian God and 55% believe that the Bible is literally true, both percentages being much higher than in any other industrialized nation (ibid, p.98). What makes Israel and the U.$. unique in all of this, according to Phillips, is that each holds a widespread conviction that they share a sort of “covenant” with God and have a special relationship with Him as His “chosen people.”

In the case of the U.$., this ”covenant” pledged that the settlers would strictly adhere to “God’s Word” with a heavy emphasis on Old Testament scripture, in exchange for God’s paternal protection in the hostile “wilderness” of Amerika (ibid, pp. 125-131). This notion that Amcrikans [sic] have a covenant with God led to the imperial doctrine of “manifest destiny,” which asserted that it was God’s will for the white man to conquer and dominate all of North Amerika. Obviously African slaves and Native Americans were not part of this covenant. In fact they were among the very threats that the settlers were expecting God to protect them from. Most settlers viewed Africans and Indians as heathens, which allowed them to justify their subjugation and exploitation of the “heathens” on religious grounds.

This form of white supremacist ideology finds its ultimate expression in the modern-day doctrine of the Christian Identity movement. This doctrine “holds that white people arc the genuine descendants of the Biblical Hebrews… Jews and Blacks are the devil’s spawn” (CQR, 2009, p. 433). Although this teaching is rejected by mainstream Christians, many settlers believed that Africans were the cursed descendants of Noah’s son Abraham, and that slavery was in fact God’s punishment being inflicted on the wicked African heathens. Either way, Christianity was used to justify white supremacy, African slavery and indigenous genocide.

The second main form of white supremacy cloaks itself in secular language and masquerades as science. It is well known that Europeans have frequently devised bogus scientific constructs to justify their colonial conquests of non-European peoples. Scholar Samir Amin observed that genetics has been used to claim “that biological traits, sometimes called ‘racial’ characteristics, are the source of cultural diversity and create hierarchy within diversity” (Amin. 1989. p. 97). Now largely discredited in Europe, these pseudo-scientific theories took on a new impetus in Amerika with the 1994 publication of Richard J. Herrnstein and Charles Murray’s controversial book The Bell Curve: Intelligence und Class Structure in American Life. Drawing on a long tradition of imperial discourse, the authors argued that all races arc genetically predisposed to a general level of cognitive ability or IQ. Whites are shown to possess a much higher IQ than Blacks, Natives and Latinos, which accounts for their supremacy in social life (Herrnstein and Murray, 1994, pp. 319-339).

The authors claim that the reason non­whites tend to be the most impoverished, the most dependent on welfare, the most susceptible to crime and the most unemployed is because they have relatively low IQ levels. According to this logic, non-whites are not the victims of white supremacy; they arc simply condemned by nature to occupy the lowest rungs of the social hierarchy. The authors intended their book to be an argument against Affirmative Action. This type of self-serving logic is nothing more than an attempt to rationalize white supremacy and scale back some of the token reforms that non-whites won during the Civil Rights struggle.

There is a trend of thought amongst some of those who have been most victimized by white supremacy to attribute it to some malicious evil inherent to white people. This view is somewhat understandable to anyone who is familiar with the historical record of colonialism, the Atlantic slave trade or modern imperialism, but it falls short of supplying us with a materialist understanding of history and at times borders on the absurd. The most extreme expression of this type of thinking is found in the religious doctrine of the Nation of Islam (N.O.I ), which has had a considerable influence on Blacks in Amerika.

According to the N.O.I., white people have attained supremacy of the world through deceit, murder, slavery, rape, plunder, and all sorts of barbarity—which is true enough. But the N.O.I. claims that whites are wicked and immoral by nature. Elijah Muhammcd, founder of the N.O.I., taught that about sixty-six hundred years ago, the earth was a paradise inhabited by a highly advanced Black civilization. As the story goes, these Blacks were the original humans and they were righteous practitioners of Islam. Greed, murder, rape and evil were unknown to them. But along came a rogue scientist named Yacub who became discontent and embittered towards God. Out of spite he decided to unleash havoc upon the earth, ‘through genetic engineering he created a race of genetically recessive white “devils” that would destroy the Black man’s civilization and rule the world for six thousand years. The whites used trickery and deceit to set the Blacks against each other and eventually conquered the planet through murder, pillage and savagery (Malcolm X, 1965, pp. 173-183). From a historical standpoint this is obviously a religious myth, no different from the Christian Identity narrative. However it does have a certain emotional appeal to many who have suffered the vicious effects of white supremacy.

To avoid falling into these metaphysical traps which inevitably lead to simplistic reductions that depict whites as inherently evil, it is necessary to place our analysis of while supremacy in the historical context of European capitalist development. In his groundbreaking 1989 study Settlers: The Mythology of the White Proletariat, author J. Sakai offers a historical materialist interpretation of America that provides us with a solid theoretical framework for understanding white supremacy. He suggests that “the key to understanding Amerika is to see that it was a chain of European settler colonies that expanded into a settler empire” (Sakai, 1989, p. 5). Adding the concept of settler colonialism into our analysis allows as to see that capitalism was the driving force behind European immigration to North Amerika, the genocide committed against the Native Americans and the African slave trade. It will be shown on the basis of Sakai’s analysis that Europeans aren’t wicked by nature, but rather they were compelled to expand to every comer of the world, conquering non-Europeans in the process, by the very logic of the capitalist system: accumulation.

As the capitalist order was consolidated upon the ruins of feudal Europe, vicious class struggles were unleashed all across England. Millions of peasants were driven off their lands into the urban towns where they became wage laborers (i.e. proletarians). Living conditions were unimaginably miserable so that ”participating in the settler invasion of North America was a relatively easy way out of the desperate class struggle in England for those seeking a privileged life” (Sakai, p. 5). What compelled people to leave their homelands and travel across the Atlantic was “the chance to share in conquering Indian land” (ibid. p. 5). Thus it was the material conditions of capitalist development in England, combined with a desire for land, that drove so many Europeans to settle in colonial Amerika.

The problem was that North America was already inhabited by some 300 indigenous nations, encompassing over 10 million people (Sakai, p. 7). As the European influx continued and accelerated, it became necessary for the settlers to expand further westward, deeper into Indian territory. This brought the Natives and the settlers increasingly into conflict. Naturally the Indians were not eager to give up more of their lands, so the settlers simply “killed off millions of Native Americans to get the land and profits they wanted” (ibid, p. 7). Between 1600 and 1900 the Indian population was reduced from 10 million to approximately 250,000 (ibid. p. 7). Sakai observes that “the point is that genocide was not an accident, not an excess, not the unintended side-effect of virile European growth. Genocide was the necessary- and deliberate act of the capitalists and their settler shock-troops. The ’Final Solution’ to the ‘Indian Problem…’” (ibid. p.7). Whites didn’t kill the Natives simply because they were racist and hated them, but rather, they killed them for their land plain and simple, using racism to justify their conquests. Once all the land was taken, the genocide stopped—or at least became less explicit.

Another problem the settlers confronted was that there was a major labor shortage in the colonies. Since the majority of settlers owned their own farmlands, there were very few, if any, wage laborers. At the time of the War of Independence, 15% of the population were temporary workers who would soon move on to become small capitalist farmers, while only 5% were laborers (Sakai, p. 10. emphasis mine). To solve this problem the settlers simply imported millions of African slaves to do all the necessary work of building up the colonies. There were white indentured servants too, but they were generally freed after four years of service and then moved on to become small farmers or small capitalists of some sort (ibid, p. 11). Not all whites owned slaves, but all benefited from slavery in some way. For example, slavery allowed white laborers to earn wages at least double those of their European counterparts—sometimes even earning up to six rimes more (ibid. p. 11. emphasis mine). Sakai points out that what’s important isn’t “…the individual ownership of slaves, but rather the fact that world capitalism in general and Euro-Amerikan capitalism in specific had forged a slave-based economy inwhich all settlers gained and took part” (ibid. p. 8). All of these factors go to show that the material basis of Amerika, from the beginning, was the oppression and exploitation of non-whites. Genocide and slavery are the twin pillars that hold Amerika up.

Throughout Amerikan history, whites have always had power over and above Natives, Blacks and Latinos. There is literally no point in history where this hasn’t been true. White supremacy is, and always has been, a basic reality of Amerikan life. The ideology of white supremacy, and racism more generally, is merely a cultural expression of this reality. As Noam Chomsky remarked,

“If you’re sitting with your boot on somebody’s neck, you’re going to hate them, because that’s the only way you can justify what you’re doing, so subjugation automatically yields racism” (Chomsky, 2004, p. 567).

In this sense, it is not SO much racist thinking that is the problem, but rather the material conditions which give rise to such thoughts.

Eradicating white supremacy is not simply a matter of reeducating prejudiced whites to appreciate cultural diversity, but involves a much more concrete and systematic social approach. What is essential is that the relationship of power between whites and non-whites be changed. Justice dictates that white Americans right the wrongs of their ancestors since they all benefit, directly and indirectly, from the crimes of Amerika’s past. Reparations should be paid in the form of land and capital to all descendants of African slaves in America as well as all Native American nations. The Amerikan territory stolen from Mexico in the nineteenth century should likewise be returned to Mexico with full compensation. These are concrete steps that Amerika can take to desettlerize and give up the luxuries of white supremacy.

Article link: http://www.globalresearch.ca/white-supremacy-exploring-the-contours-of-race-and-power-in-america/5334690

A third of Americans would shun a Chinese brand [People's Daily]

Posted in China, USA on May 18, 2013 by Zuo Shou / 左手

By Zheng Yangpeng (China Daily)

May 11, 2013

A third of Americans would not buy a brand if they knew it to be Chinese-owned, according to a latest survey from HD Trade Services Inc, a US marketing and brand development company.

The survey asked 1,500 Americans, “would you buy a product if you knew the brand was owned by a Chinese company?” — 68 percent said they would, but 32 percent said they would not.

By contrast, 81 percent of respondents said they would buy a product if they knew it was Japanese-owned.

“We believe this stigma toward Chinese brands is based predominantly on the perception that Chinese products are of lesser quality…” said Daniel Sperling-Horowitz, president and co-founder of HD Trade Services.

An earlier survey by the company showed that 94 percent of Americans could not name a single Chinese brand.

Among those who could name at least one, Lenovo was mostly mentioned (2.53 percent), followed by Baidu (1.2 percent) and Huawei (1.07 percent). [In comparison,]…59 percent of respondents were unable to name a Japanese brand.

“This contrasted with the fact that China is the world’s second-largest economy and nearly half of all durable consumer goods purchased in the United States are made in China,” said Sperling-Horowitz.

Leo Liu, HD Trade’s director of China operations, said the results illustrated just how important it is for Chinese brands to work on raising their international profile.

He cited Haier, now one of the world’s largest appliance makers, as an example of a huge Chinese company, but which was thought by many American respondents to be a German-owned brand.

Liu said German products are generally synonymous with superior engineering and quality in US.

“Haier does nothing to deceive its consumers — it has simply positioned itself as a multinational brand,” added Liu…

Full article link: http://english.people.com.cn/90778/8240530.html

DPRK lists crimes of detained American Pae Jun Ho [Xinhua]

Posted in DPR Korea, Juche Idea, USA on May 18, 2013 by Zuo Shou / 左手

PYONGYANG, May 10 2013 (Xinhua) — The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) listed the crimes of detained American Pae Jun Ho late Thursday, accusing him of conducting hostile acts, the official news agency KCNA reported.

“The court sentenced him to 15 years of hard labor in consideration of candid confession of his crimes though they are liable to face death penalty or life imprisonment for an attempt at state subversion,” an unnamed Supreme Court spokesman said…

…According to the statement, Pae conducted “a malignant smear campaign” against the DPRK and incited DPRK citizens overseas and foreigners to perpetrate hostile acts.

Pae gave lectures to more than 1,500 people slandering the Juche idea of the Workers’ Party of Korea and the DPRK’s socialist system and instigated them to bring down the government, it said.

He infiltrated at least 250 students into the city of Rason under the guise of tourists and “was caught red-handed” bringing with him anti-DPRK literature on in November last year, it added.

Pae was arrested on Nov. 3 while “committing hostile acts against the DPRK” and has “admitted that he committed crimes aimed to topple the DPRK with hostility toward it and were proved by evidence.”

A Foreign Ministry spokesman said Sunday that Pyongyang has no intention to invite U.S. diplomats to Pyongyang over the issue.

The United States has called on the DPRK to immediately release Pae, who was sentenced to 15 years of compulsory labor earlier this month.

Pae, a Washington state resident, is at least the sixth American detained in the DPRK since 2009.

Article link: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/world/2013-05/10/c_132372957.htm

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