Archive for the Guangzhou Category

Top 10 best places to retire in China [People’s Daily]

Posted in China, Dalian, Guangzhou, Liaoning Province, Qingdao, Shanghai on May 15, 2014 by Zuo Shou / 左手

May 8, 2014

For many, retirement is a new phase of life, when you can banish all thoughts that have been bothering you at a younger age and just enjoy the rest of your life.

But if you have a chance to consider new surroundings, you might as well factor into your options doctor availability, housing, living costs, weather and air quality, and so on.

With these considered, we have come up with a list of 10 best Chinese cities for retirement.

* No 10 Chengdu, Sichuan province

The city boasts best medical care services in China, particularly compared to other inland cities, with about 20 first-class hospitals. Besides, medical care costs are much lower than mega cities, such as Beijing and Shanghai…

To see full “Top 10 list” and photos, see: http://english.people.com.cn/205040/8620825.html

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Xinhua Insight: China struggles to tame illegal foreign laborers [Xinhua]

Posted in China, Employment, Guangzhou, Labor, Law enforcement, Vietnam on March 28, 2014 by Zuo Shou / 左手

NANNING, March 19 (Xinhua) — Braving the windchill [sic] by a highway in Baise City of south China’s Guangxi, 18-year-old Vietnamese Lau Mi Lenh and his family desperately tried to hitch a lift to their dreamland [sic] of neighboring Guangdong Province.

Hailing from a village in the Vietnamese province of Nghe An, Lau and his eight relatives had sneaked [sic] into China by themselves, hoping to find a job in Guangdong, as he had heard that the bustling coastal province could guarantee a handsome income for people like them.

It wasn’t to be, and the illegal immigrant told Xinhua his tale from a Chinese jail cell.

He is among booming numbers of people without valid entry and employment paperwork, particularly from southeast Asia, that are flooding into the country’s eastern seaboard, a part of China that is increasingly looking to the black market to fill gaps in affordable labor.

The issue is once again in the spotlight after two groups of Vietnamese stowaways, a total of eight people, were detained by local police in Baise on Friday.

Regional border control police of Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region intercepted 4,500 illegal foreign laborers in 2012, and though the number dipped to a little over 3,500 in 2013, police say there are “definitely ones that are at large.”

The illegal laborers, taking advantage of the many trails that snake through the China-Vietnam border area, stick their necks out to bypass the checkpoints in Guangxi to reach the eastern paradise of their dreams.

Mi Lenh said that his family moved heaven and earth to get to Baise, eventually enduring an anxious 24-hour ride in a minivan to get there.

“I was prepared to labor in jobs planting eucalyptus or sugarcane even in the countryside of Guangdong,” he explained.

ILLEGAL CHAIN

China’s black market of foreign labor is booming on the back of a shift in the country’s own labor forces from east to west, driving human traffickers, or “traders” as they are dubbed, to transport cheap labor from abroad into the eastern areas like Guangdong, Fujian and Zhejiang.

Ah Xiang, a trader detained by police in Guangxi, said that they usually lure poverty-stricken foreigners willing to work in China with blandishments about the working opportunities, then charge “registration fees” before transporting them into Chinese factories.

“We would negotiate with the factory owners in advance to remove any possible stumbling blocks, and then the procedures would go smoothly,” she said.

According to Ah Xiang, foreign laborers are becoming increasingly popular in factories in the east, as domestic workers are thin on the ground, while foreigners tend to be cheaper, more “well-behaved” and “quiet.”

But the opportunities to make more money in China are often outweighed by terrible working and living conditions, Ah Xiang added, pointing out that it is hard to guarantee the rights of the illegal workers.

Experts attribute the phenomenon to a wide range of factors, including rising labor costs in China as well as loose supervision.

One of the underlying reasons for the rampant black market in foreign labor is that China’s coastal cities have come under pressure from a severe shortfall in labor resources, according to Yu Yimao, captain of Baise’s border control police.

In February, a survey by the Guangzhou Human Resource Market Service Center showed a shortfall of 123,300 workers in Guangzhou, capital city of Guangdong. A similar warning was issued later by the Fujian provincial government, cautioning that the province needs 80,000 laborers to fill the gap.

Meanwhile, the cost of domestic labor is on the rise.

Construction worker Li Deqin said that the daily salary for people like him used to be about 80 yuan (13 U.S. dollars), but now they command at least 180 yuan.

That is a huge contrast to many foreign workers like Mi Lenh, who barely makes 50 yuan each day in Vietnam.

“I heard that even stowaways can make more than 100 yuan a day in China,” the young Vietnamese said.

While his dreams have now become castles in the air, many others are still falling for the bait, and authorities have called for a taming of the black market with a spate of proposed legal measures.

Xu Ningning, deputy secretary-general of the China-ASEAN Business Council, said that China needs to ramp up supervision to tackle the problem, for that is in the interest of both foreign workers and domestic factories.

“I think that the government could work with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations to figure out a mechanism to ease the labor pressure and guarantee the rights of workers,” Xu said.

He suggested that the problem could be solved by qualifying and legalizing more foreign laborers to work in China under government supervision.

Editor: Zhu Ningzhu

Full article link: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/indepth/2014-03/19/c_133197781.htm

Journalists rebel in Guangzhou as right wing in China raises its voice [Workers World]

Posted in Bourgeois parliamentary democracy, China, Corporate Media Critique, Corruption, CPC, Deng Xiaoping, Guangzhou, Hong Kong, Journalism, Mao Zedong, Marx, Reform and opening up, Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, Special Economic Zones, Taiwan, USSR on January 29, 2013 by Zuo Shou / 左手

I am posting this article as an alternative to the capitalist press regarding the recent censorship kerfluffle at ‘Southern Weekend’ in China. I am totally grossed out by pork sausage/dandruff shampoo/toothpaste-shill Yao Chen quoting Solzhenitsyn on her blog in response to that as reported here. I am obligated to reprint the article entire, and at this time will restate my blog’s caveat that posting does not constitute full endorsement of the opinions expressed by the writer. – Zuo Shou

by Fred Goldstein

Jan. 14, 2013

Those in China who advocate bourgeois democracy, deepening capitalist reforms and opening up further to imperialism staged a journalists’ rebellion the first week of January at the nationally circulated magazine Southern Weekend, based in Guangzhou. Guangzhou, which is across the bay from Hong Kong, is the capital of Guangdong province, the stronghold of capitalism in China.

The mini-rebellion took the form of a near strike and protest when the Propaganda Department of the Guangdong branch of the Chinese Communist Party intervened at the last minute to prevent a New Year’s editorial from going to press.

The editorial, which was severely modified by the authorities, was entitled “My Dream, the Dream of Constitutionalism.” While the English translation has not been published in any of the Western media, numerous sources reported it stressed “political reform.”

In the context of the present-day political struggle in China, “political reform” is code for creating openings for the bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeois intelligentsia to organize politically, either through the governmental electoral process, within the party, or both.

In fact, one of the few practical applications of “political reform” took place in Guangdong on an experimental basis under the guidance of its previous “reform” leader, Wang Yan. Wang preached democracy — but the class orientation of his democracy was illustrated by an experimental local election he authorized in the city of Dudan in September 2011. Fewer than 7,000 local inhabitants were reportedly allowed to vote, while 60,000 sweatshop workers who had immigrated from other Chinese provinces were disenfranchised. (The Economist, Nov. 26, 2011)

The Southern Weekend, with a circulation of 1.6 million, has been a leading voice for bourgeois liberalism in China. The confrontation of the editors and sections of the staff with the CCP became a cause célèbre of the right. Demonstrations were organized for “democracy,” “freedom of the press” and political reform.

* Protesters hail Tiananmen Square *

This incident served as a message and a challenge from the right to the incoming leader of the CCP, Xi Jingping, who will become China’s president in March.

The capitalist media swung immediately behind the protest. The Financial Times of Jan. 11 reported: “‘This feels exactly like the beginning of [the Tiananmen student movement in] 1989,’ said Yu Gang, a 44-year-old democracy campaigner who took part in the Tiananmen protests. He made pro-democracy speeches outside the Southern Weekend headquarters until police broke up the protest on Thursday.” A pro-Mao counter-demonstration also took place.

The right-wing blogosphere went into gear as well. A nationally known movie actor went one step beyond raising the 1989 counter-revolutionary uprising at Tiananman Square. Yao Chen, who has the the country’s most-followed Twitter-like microblog, quoted Alexander Solzhenitsyn’s saying that “One word of truth outweighs the whole world.”

The Financial Times continued, “Ms Yao sent the former Soviet dissident’s words with the logo of Southern Weekend, the paper respected as the vanguard of Chinese investigative journalism and for its probing stories but now involved in a rare open fight with censors. Her post marks a warning to China’s new leadership under Xi Jinping, the new Communist party chief who took over from Hu Jintao in November..” (Financial Times, Jan. 11, 2013)

Solzhenitsyn was a counter-revolutionary novelist in the USSR who depicted the tsar’s family in a sympathetic light in his book “1914.” Even war criminal Henry Kissinger once described him as “to the right of the czar.” He was jailed by Soviet authorities and eventually given a Nobel Prize in Literature in 1970. He is identified with the overthrow of socialism in the USSR.

* Xi’s trip to Shenzen heartens the right *

Following the protest, an open letter in defense of Southern Weekend and signed by 16 reactionary professors, authors and journalists from mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan was addressed to the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee. It demanded the dismissal of the official they claimed was responsible for censorship.

The letter was a virtual manifesto which referred to the trip made by Xi to Shenzen in Guangdong province in December of last year — his first trip after being elected the new head of the CCP. The trip was a replica of one made by Deng Xiaoping in 1992 on his “southern tour” to promote the further opening up to capitalism and imperialism, under the slogan “opening up and reform.” That trip led to the rapid development of Guangdong province as an export/sweatshop center of China. On his recent trip, Xi laid a wreath dedicated to Deng and promised to pursue “reform” and “opening up.”

This trip undoubtedly strengthened the right and was probably partly responsible for the brazen challenge by the Southern Weekend group.

The China Media Project, based in Hong Kong, wrote on Jan. 7: “In China today, the lingering sense of rise and regeneration relies to a great extent on Guangdong. For Xi as for Deng before him, southern tours marked great events that began in Guangdong. The entire nation, and people both here at home and overseas, regards Guangdong as the most crucial touchstone of reform and opening. The power of this one province ripples across our whole country, and the contributions of Southern Weekly are an undeniable part of that.”

The manifesto ended with praise for the magazine as “one of the country’s top groups … closely connected with the current of reform and the spirit of opening up” and condemned the propaganda official, asking if he “did not harbor such hostility for reform and opening, would things have come to this point.”

But these mouthpieces for the bourgeoisie have things completely backwards. If the reactionaries of Southern Weekend were not so fervently dedicated to the deepening of capitalism, widening imperialist penetration and promoting political openings for the bourgeoisie, if they had not made such a brazen move to test the Xi leadership, then would things ever “have come to this point”?

* Challenge to Xi *

Until now the magazine has harassed the government with exposures of abuses of workers, damage to the environment and official corruption. Thus, it has curried favor with the populace, using progressive exposures to foster its reactionary program of undermining the CCP from the right.

Because of the CCP’s policy of so-called “market socialism,” permitting capitalist development, violation of workers’ rights, corruption and the growth of the very capitalist class championed by Southern Weekend, the party is vulnerable to justifiable criticism. The right wing collects the grievances of the masses and uses them as a battering ram against the party.

But with the New Year’s message, the right wing went over the line. Southern Weekend has been under heavy censorship from party propaganda authorities because of its openly bourgeois liberalism. The magazine, according to most accounts, has been adept at pushing a right-wing line without making any major confrontational challenges to the party. But this time they upped the ante.

The right surfaced for the moment. The dispute spread to Beijing News. A web publication run by a party official was shut down for backing the right wing. A Confucian grouping issued a reactionary manifesto.

* Bo Xilai and defeat of the Chongqing model *

At this point it is necessary to put this struggle in the context of the suppression of Bo Xilai. Bo was the head of Chongqing province. The struggle against him was popularly regarded, on one level, as one between the Chongqing model and the Guangdong model.

Bo had promoted state economic development as the instrument for achieving the welfare of the masses. He built quality, low-cost housing for the workers. He increased social benefits. He made it easier for the rural population to obtain urban status and the benefits that come with that. He waged a campaign against the axis between corrupt party officials and capitalists with criminal elements.

Bo also promoted Maoist culture, songs and sayings, and shifted Chongqing television from a commercial station to a public station. This station was nationally broadcast and allowed an egalitarian message to get wide exposure, such as the message of “Red GDP” — development through state investment, rather than private investment, that gives greater priority to the welfare of the masses.

The Guangdong model, by contrast, emphasized economic development, mainly by capitalist means and relying on exports. The social rights of millions of immigrant workers from the interior of the country took a back seat. In general, the bourgeois spirit is dominant in the Guangdong model.

The detention of Bo last spring and vilification of the Chongqing model represented a defeat for the left within the framework of the party leadership. It represented a victory for the Guangdong model, the model promoted by Southern Weekend and its bourgeois allies. The victory was achieved by a bloc of the center and the right. Now that the challenge from the left has been temporarily suppressed, the right wing has gained confidence and courage.

This is not to say that the Southern Weekend incident represents any serious immediate threat to the party. But it represents a future danger and has brought to the surface a thoroughly reactionary current that, despite its limited numbers, occupies strategic positions in the media, the universities, communications and, of course, business.

It should be noted that when Bo was detained and his spouse, Gu Kailai, put through a show trial, these forces made no defense of the democratic rights of these leaders.

* Political contradictions of ‘market socialism’ *

There are many contradictions to so-called “market socialism” or “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” as it is euphemistically referred to by the leadership. The principal one, which is developing irresistibly, is the contradiction between economics and politics.

The mainstream of the top party leadership is trying to hold on to the socialist side of the economy: the state-owned enterprises, economic planning through “guidance,” and development and control of the commanding heights and strategic sectors of the economy. This is what has enabled the Chinese economy to weather the world capitalist crisis so far and continue its forward development. This is presumably the “socialist” side of the “socialist market economy.”

On the “market” side, the party has promoted the private sector, allowed private money to penetrate the public sector, and let the imperialists have a significant presence in the economy. It has let the rights of the working class that should be guaranteed under socialism go by the boards in the interest of economic development through capitalism, and has made many other economic concessions.

This has led to the growth of a capitalist class and the equally dangerous growth of a capitalist-minded petty bourgeois elite that is spread throughout the professions. This stratum provides mouthpieces for the bourgeoisie, promoting its ideology and its political interests.

As long as the CCP leadership promotes the capitalist market, which is diametrically opposed to socialism, the spirit of capitalism will continue to pervade society. It is in the very nature of the bourgeoisie, of capital, to expand. This not only manifests itself on the enterprise level as a desire to expand profits and accumulation. It also expresses itself on a class level, as a desire to expand its political influence commensurate with its economic development.

Both the state and the private sectors have grown in the last decade. Which has grown the stronger is a matter of dispute. But what is indisputable is the growth of the corporate and financial bourgeoisie.

In this latest dispute, one publication loyal to the party line warned the authorities at Southern Weekly that there is “no special political zone.” This refers to the special capitalist economic zones in Guangdong.

Here is where the problem lies. You cannot give the bourgeoisie more and more special economic zones without them demanding commensurate political influence. Marxists know that politics is concentrated economics. The economics of the bourgeoisie leads inevitably in the direction of trying to transform China’s political structure into a bourgeois political democracy.

Only a thoroughgoing return to proletarian democracy and the political, economic and social empowerment of the workers, as envisaged by Mao and his collaborators, can put an end to the political grasping by the bourgeoisie.
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Articles copyright 1995-2013 Workers World. Verbatim copying and distribution is permitted in any medium without royalty provided this notice is preserved.

Article link: http://www.workers.org/2013/01/14/journalists-rebellion-in-guangzhou-as-right-wing-in-china-raises-its-voice/

China focus: Canton Fair foretells grim trade outlook, economic rebalancing [Xinhua]

Posted in Capitalism crisis early 21st century, China, Economy, Guangzhou on October 30, 2012 by Zuo Shou / 左手

GUANGZHOU, Oct. 21 (Xinhua) — With the world economy mired in a chronic slowdown since the 2008 financial crisis, China’s largest trade fair offers a glimpse into the country’s foreign trade situation as well as the economic outlook.

The autumn session of the Canton Fair wrapped up its first week of display on Friday, mainly focusing on machinery and electronics products, hardware products and chemical products.

Statistics from the fair’s organizer show that the number of overseas buyers to the fair — a barometer of China’s export situation — declined considerably, indicating weak global demand amid a sluggish recovery, compounded by a more recent eurozone debt crisis.

The fair registered a total of 93,529 overseas buyers as of Thursday, a decline of 11.4 percent over the same period in the spring session.

At a time when the entire world is tightening its belt, global buyers are more cautious and hesitant in clinching orders.

“We are feeling much pressure, as the number of European and U.S. buyers visiting our booth dropped by more than half during the fair, and those who did visit seemed in a low mood to order,” said Chen Dong, vice manager of Guangdong Machinery Imp. & Exp. Co., Ltd.

Chen said his company had already witnessed a sales decline of 5 percent in the first half of this year.

China’s foreign trade in the first three quarters of the year rose a mere 6.2 percent to 2.84 trillion U.S. dollars, sharply contrasting the 20.3-percent growth registered during the same period in 2011, according to the General Administration of Customs.

Despite a brisk export surge of 9.9 percent to a monthly record-high export volume in September, and a 2.4 percent recovery in imports after consecutive falls in previous months, the trade outlook in the last quarter as well as that for all of 2012 remains gloomy, and experts say a rebound is unlikely in the foreseeable future.

The grim foreign trade outlook is further dampened by a disheartening overall economic situation.

In the third quarter, China’s economy expanded 7.4 percent year on year, slowing from 7.6 percent in the second quarter and 8.1 percent in the first, according to figures released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) on Thursday, indicating that the country’s economic growth has been on a descending trajectory.

Enterprise representatives interviewed at the fair say the persisting eurozone debt crisis is hindering the recovery of global demand.

Chinese machinery and electronics exports to the European market dropped 23.1 percent during the fair, in great contrast with a 7.5-percent decline to the American market and a slight dip of 0.3 percent to Africa, said Liu Chun, secretary-general of the China Chamber of Commerce for Import & Export of Machinery and Electronics Products.

Machinery and electronics products account for about 60 percent of China’s total exports.

“The sagging economy in Europe is mainly to blame for the cooling down of global trade,” Liu said…

[Excerpted]

Full article link: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/china/2012-10/21/c_131920248.htm

‘Donkey-horse-fart’ phenom a case study in bribery [Global Times]

Posted in Beijing, China, Corruption, Guangzhou, Hangzhou, Hong Kong on November 20, 2011 by Zuo Shou / 左手

Nov. 12, 2011

by Guo Yukuan

At a high school reunion a couple days ago, I discovered a lot of my old female classmates who spent the last few years in Beijing have become conspicuously fashionable. Those who I remembered as humble and less concerned about appearances were raving on about fashion trends at the dinner table. One phrase I was completely clueless about came up quite a bit in their talk: “donkey-horse-fart.” Every time they mentioned how “everyone has to have a set of ‘donkey-horse-fart,’ otherwise it’ll be so unbearably shameful,” I grew uncomfortable, and eventually started asking my friends just what this modern-day essential “donkey-horse-fart” refers to.

“It’s shorthand for ‘Louis Vuitton, Hermes and Prada’ (via the Chinese phonetic translation) [“Lv-Ma-Pi”],” a stylish friend told me. “It’s especially popular among businessman and government officials.”

These three luxury brands nowadays can be found in numerous big cities, including capital cities of provinces and major cities along the coast. But a tiny purse of some 10,000-plus yuan is not a best buy in Chinese mainland, since the same product probably only costs half that in Hong Kong. A person who can afford Louis Vuitton, Hermes and Prada should also be able to afford a trip to Hong Kong, so I found it all more puzzling that even people in Guangzhou – a 40-minute train ride from Hong Kong – are willing to pay twice as much just to shop within the border.

Apparently a popular trend these days is giving out gift cards that carry store credit, which can range from a couple thousand to tens of thousands of yuan. Rumor has it that the former mayor of Hangzhou, Xu Maiyuan, who was sentenced to death last year for corruption, had thousands of those cards at home, even hiding them inside his shoes and filling his closets with them.

From a taste perspective, gift cards are a nice way to lavish money on someone without having to subject him or her to your atrocious fashion sensibilities. But using currency that can only be exchanged for Louis Vuitton, Hermes and Prada is not some huge price coup, since their products are still significantly pricier than in any other country. The card does not offer the value for money. Why not just give out debit cards with real cash so people can fly to Hong Kong to shop?

As if to deal with this issue, many shops offer full cash refunds, instead of just store credits, for their merchandise – allowing the luxury goods themselves to become a form of currency, especially if purchased with gift cards. This whole affair reminds me of Liulichang (a famous district in downtown Beijing, known for vendors of craftwork, artistry and antiques), which played an important role in the government corruption of the Qing era (1644-1911).

The transaction usually went like this: Government officials from out of town who came to Beijing to visit some higher-level representatives in the central government would need to first visit Liulichang to “ask for directions” from the antiques vendors. Speaking in a sort of underhanded code, the out-of-town officials would first offer up the cash with which they intend to bribe the central-government officials, as part of an offer on an antique the vendor might “suggest” that they buy. The vendor, however, won’t have the antique on hand, but would take the cash to the central official and purchase it from his palace. He would then give the piece to the out-of-towner, who would in turn return it to its original owner. Thus was the bribery accomplished without any cash actually changing hands.

Such a situation finds its modern-day equivalent in the “donkey-horse-fart” phenomenon. It’s a win-win-win for all involved: by giving a gift card to the people they’re trying to impress, one can claim immunity from any accusations of true bribery; by accepting paid card, buying a luxury good and then returning it for money, the bribed walk away with a pocket full of cash; and the stores can skim a bit off the top with their transaction fees.

And who said there’s nothing to be learned from the good old days anymore?

The author is a researcher with the Research Center for Public Policy, China Society of Economic Reform.

Article link: http://www.globaltimes.cn/NEWS/tabid/99/ID/683552/Donkey-horse-fart-phenom-a-case-study-in-bribery.aspx

Chinese leaders watch DPRK-adapted opera of renowned Chinese legend [People’s Daily / CPC News]

Posted in Beijing, Changchun, China, CPC, CPC Central Committee (CPCCC), DPR Korea, Guangzhou, Hangzhou, Shanghai, Sino-Korean Friendship on November 12, 2011 by Zuo Shou / 左手

Nov. 10, 2011

Li Changchun, a leader of the Communist Party of China (CPC), on Wednesday evening watched an opera staged here [Beijing] by a troupe from the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) and adapted from Chinese legend The Butterfly Lovers.

Li, a Standing Committee member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, welcomed the artists from the DPRK Phibada Opera Troupe and praised the performance as an example of closer cultural communication and cooperation between China and the DPRK.

The opera, which began a three-month tour of China in the northeast city of Changchun on Oct. 25, is based on the tragic story of a pair of lovers, Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai, whose names also form another title of the story, abbreviated as Liang Zhu. It is often regarded as the Chinese equivalent of Romeo and Juliet.

Chinese State Councilor Liu Yandong, Li Yuanchao, a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and Li Jinai, director of the General Political Department of the People’s Liberation Army, also watched the performance.

Artists integrating Korean styles of singing and dancing into their performance won applause from the audience.

Phibada Opera Troupe version of The Butterfly Lovers will now move on to other Chinese cities including Shanghai, Hangzhou, Wuxi, Wuhan, Changsha, Guangzhou, and Chongqing.

Source:Xinhua

Article link: http://english.cpc.people.com.cn/66102/7640486.html

Photo article “DPRK troupe presents opera in NE China” link: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english2010/photo/2011-11/05/c_131230815.htm

No sign of let up in China’s skyscraper building spree [People’s Daily]

Posted in China, Guangzhou, Housing, Shanghai, Shenzhen, Taipei, Taiwan on June 26, 2011 by Zuo Shou / 左手

June 8, 2011

Hong Kong, Shanghai and Shenzhen have the most skyscrapers in the country, according to the first China’s skyscraper report released by http://www.motiancity.com.

Hong Kong has 58 skyscrapers, followed by Shanghai’s 51 and Shenzhen’s 46. Beijing was ninth place with 13 high-rises.

China has been on a building spree of modern skyscrapers. Five of the world’s top 10 tallest buildings are in China. Apart from the tallest 828-meter-high Burj Khalifa in Dubai, the second tallest, the third, the fourth, the seventh and ninth are in Taipei, Shanghai, Hong Kong, Nanjing and Guangzhou.

According to the report, in the next three years, one high-rise will be completed every five days in China. The total number of Chinese skyscrapers – taller than 152 meters – will reach 800 in five years.

Some small cities also plan to build skyscrapers, arousing doubts about overheating investment, the report said.

Fangchenggang City in Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region has less than 1 million residents, yet plans to build a 528-meter-tall Asian International Financial Center, taller than the Shanghai World Financial Center, it said.

Researchers doubt whether skyscrapers in small cities can be leased out due to a lack of headquarter economy support and insufficient numbers of white-collar workers.

Source: Shanghai Daily

Article link: http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90776/90882/7403905.html